The news of the arrest of teacher’s union boss Elba Esther Gordillo on Tuesday evening stunned the nation.
Mexicans seemed unsurprised to learn that the powerful 68-year-old labor leader was accused of embezzling union funds to the tune of 150 million dollars but they were taken aback that this force of nature was actually behind bars.
For years we have speculated about how Gordillo has been able to indulge in such an opulent lifestyle on the annual wage of a public employee.
The reason is clear: Gordillo exerted such political influence at the head of her 1.4-million strong union that she believed she was untouchable. For more than two decades, parties and candidates fought tooth and nail to gain her endorsement and thus get the “teachers’ vote” for their ticket.
In a ten-minute national broadcast Wednesday evening, President Peña Nieto tried to explain her arrest (without referring to her by name) as the law taking its natural course and an example of his government’s commitment to cracking down on corruption. That said, there is no doubt the arrest of Gordillo is politically driven.
Firstly, Peña Nieto was following the tradition of incoming presidents who seek to stamp their authority on their administrations by “going after” a heavyweight adversary.
Gordillo fitted this category perfectly. Once a firm fixture in the Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI) hierarchy, she acrimoniously split with the party in 2005, backing the National Action Party (PAN) candidate Felipe Calderon in the 2006 election.
She never managed to heal the wounds with the PRI and when Emilio Chauyfett – arguably her biggest enemy while she served in Congress – was named as education secretary in Peña Nieto’s cabinet, her future began to look less secure.
Added to this were the reforms that Peña Nieto quickly pushed through Congress designed to lessen the influence of the union in Mexico’s under-achieving educational system. Gordillo had vowed to fight the reforms, opening up the possibility that teachers might even resort to strike action.
The fall of Gordillo may not change the determination of the union to oppose the reforms. But it will raise the profile and popularity of Peña Nieto and serve as a warning to leaders of other unions to toe the government line.
Carlos Romero Deschamps, leader of the Pemex workers, finds himself in a similar position, with speculation rife about his recent financial dealings, in particular the recent purchase of a Ferrari for his son. With Peña Nieto preparing to open up the state oil company to more private investment, the old-school Pemex leader is seen as a potential obstacle.
Although Gordillo failed to make bail, she has hired the best legal team money can buy. Many Mexicans still reckon she will beat the rap somehow, but her days as Mexico’s “most powerful woman” are surely over.